RICH fAt an’ stoopid

Erick Erickson
A lot of Trump voters have failed at life and blame others for their own poor decisions. They’re using Trump as a vehicle for revenge.
7:08 AM – 1 Apr 2016

Donald Trump is a flawed candidate. He’s better than Cruz or Hillary however. The Republican Establishment cares about you and your vote, not you. Hillary craves the Oval Office like that next roll of the dice, then what?

Just as Paul Ryan’s ascension to House Speaker represented a total repudiation of the GOP electorate by GOP lawmakers, Ryan’s selection as the Party’s nominee would similarly represent the donor class’s silencing of voters and voters’ views on immigration, trade, and foreign policy that have transformed the country and its role in the world.

The Founders never intended to make political leadership a focus of the people’s admiration. Congressional representatives were never meant to be on a pedestal or become an elite class. They are sent to Washington not to figure everything out “for us” and then do a convincing sell job in order to rally “enthusiasm” for their perspectives, wishes, or agendas. They’re not supposed to “win a mandate to protect the American idea.” They were always to remain public servants, with a sworn duty to fulfill a constitutional mandate. That mandate is one that we gave them: to safeguard our rights. It’s not something that required manufacture in the bowels of some highly paid D.C. public relations firm.

Ryan’s words utterly expose how he and the rest of the establishment class view their role and responsibilities: sell the ideas and agendas that are politically expedient and personally lucrative.

Clarence Page commentary: Trump wins the working class that GOP ignored

Tuesday March 29, 2016 10:27 AM

A pivotal debate has broken out in conservative ranks in the age of Republican presidential frontrunner Donald Trump. Call it “the Trumpists vs. the anti-Trumpists.”

The anti-Trumpists, including the editors of William F. Buckley’s seminal National Review magazine, don’t think he’s a true conservative. Their free-market approaches differ sharply from Trump on such issues as trade, immigration, outsourcing and the protection of Social Security and Medicare, among other middle-class entitlements.

Under the headline “Against Trump,” the magazine ran a “symposium” of 22 contributions by conservative thinkers in January that challenged Trump’s brand of conservatism.

Trump, in his usual fashion with critics, dismissed the magazine as “a dying paper,” a diagnosis that its editors would call wildly exaggerated, even as Trump’s primary victories continued to mount.

Yet Trump’s success has forced many mainstream Republicans and other conservatives to take a closer look at his appeal to figure out how the Grand Old Party went wrong.

Michael Brendan Dougherty, senior correspondent and rising star at The Week, struck a nerve with his recent provocatively titled essay, “How Conservative Elites Disdain Working-Class Republicans.”

His central theme: The working-class “Reagan Democrats” who crossed over to vote for Ronald Reagan and other Republicans since the mid-1960s have been abandoned by conservative elites as their wages have stagnated and jobs have fled overseas.

Sure, billionaire Trump also has used special visa programs and outsourced jobs to further enrich himself. But that has not hindered his image with voters who see him as a guy who is on their side.

Sure. If you can’t trust the founder of “Trump University,” whom can you trust, right?

Polls show Trump’s pitch is working particularly well with voters who have only a high-school diploma or less, a group buffeted by a half-century of structural changes in the economy.

“If the conservative movement has any advice for Mike (Dougherty’s fictitious example of a white working class father who is getting by on Social Security disability fraud in economically failing Garbutt, N.Y.),” Dougherty writes in The Week, “it’s to move out of Garbutt and maybe ‘learn computers.’ ”

Dougherty singles out fellow conservative writer Kevin D. Williamson at the National Review, who responded bluntly in an essay titled, “Chaos in the Family, Chaos in the State: The White Working Class’ Dysfunction.”

“The truth about these dysfunctional, downscale communities,” writes Williamson, “is that they deserve to die. Economically, they are negative assets. Morally, they are indefensible. … The white American underclass is in thrall to a vicious, selfish culture whose main products are misery and used heroin needles. Donald Trump’s speeches make them feel good. So does OxyContin.”

Instead of temporary pain relievers, “literal or political,” Williamson says, displaced workers like “Mike” need to pack up get out of Garbutt and find real opportunity where new jobs are popping up.

That’s been the traditional conservative answer to working-class economic anxieties. But even the always-provocative Charles Murray, a best-selling libertarian author at the American Enterprise Institute, has recently questioned whether that bootstrap approach is enough.

I praised his important 2012 book about our troubled times, “Coming Apart: The State of White America, 1960-2010.” By focusing only on white Americans, he revealed how disastrously our national civic culture is following our economy in splitting apart, along lines of class.

The resulting culture gap between the top 20 percent and the bottom 30 percent, in Murray’s view, erodes family unity, undermines civic spirit and threatens the “American way of life.”

I praised Murray’s focus for showing how much the social dysfunctions that we usually associate with poor urban black communities increasingly plague low-income whites, too.

From this, I hoped we might find a new left-right common ground in our wars against poverty. Instead we have the rise of “Trumpism,” which Murray recently defined on “PBS NewsHour” as “the expression by the white working class of a lot of legitimate grievances that it has with the ruling class … all the ways in which, if you’re a member of the working class, you have over the last 30 or 40 years been screwed.”

I’m still hoping for a productive debate about what ails working-class Americans across racial, ethnic and religious lines. First we’re going to have to get through the current election season.

Conservatives who once derided upscale liberals as latte-sipping losers now burst with contempt for the lower-income followers of Donald J. Trump.

These blue-collar white Republicans, a mainstay of the conservative coalition for decades, are now vilified by their former right-wing allies as a “non-Christian” force “in thrall to a vicious, selfish culture,” corrupted by the same “nse of entitlement” that Democratic minorities were formerly accused of.

It was disturbing enough when Senator Ted Cruz announced that Neil Bush, brother of Jeb and George W., would be a Finance Chairman of his campaign.

Neil defrauded U.S. taxpayers out of $1.5 billion dollars in a savings and loan scam. Now however, Cruz has announced a key appointment that should disturb voters even more.

Cruz named Former Texas Senator Phil Gramm as his economic guru. This guy virtually crashed the U.S. economy. Gramm is largely responsible for two bills which led to the speculative bubble which popped in September 2008. First was his Gramm-Leach-Bliley bill that repealed Glass Steagall, which separated investment banking from commercial banking. Its repeal — which was signed into law by President Clinton, with the backing of Robert Rubin and Larry Summers — opened the door for a flood of money, from commercial banks, to flow into mortgage-backed securities and other funny-money schemes, which blew up in 2008.

As for Hillary, she has rejected a return to Glass Steagall, as she has become the darling of Wall Street speculators who are heavily funding her campaign. She vehemently defends Bill’s role in the repeal of Glass Steagall.

And, of course, she shares with Cruz a fondness for Goldman Sachs. The bank bailed out by U.S. taxpayers paid Hillary $675,000 for a speech. They also made a secret sweetheart loan to Ted Cruz’s U.S. Senate campaign. So in a Clinton-Cruz race the folks on Wall Street win either way.

God help us

Sean Oliver
3:37 AM EST
It’s not just election BS. Ted Cruz is dishonest.

(1) Iowa: Sent out phony Voter Violation! notices
(2) NH: Sent out Carson leaving the campaign tweet
(3 )SC: Support for Confederate flag robo-calls, and doctored photo of an ecstatic Rubio shaking hands with Obama
> 4) NV: His campaign manager was on a Las Vegas radio station saying that Trump supports Obamacare and Common Core.
5) FL: Posted a bogus video of Rubio demeaning the Bible
6)UT: Supporting SuperPac used nude photos of Trumps wife to stir
up moral outrage. Cruz later denounced bringing spouses into the campaign as “disgusting”.

…in 2016, conservative commentators are sounding as cocooned from their own political party as any liberal writing social commentary for The New Yorker or providing political analysis for ABC News. Even after the passing of Antonin Scalia and the Paris and San Bernadino attacks, many right-leaning pundits are spending their days scolding readers and declaring that no true conservative or God-fearing Christian could support Donald Trump. This simmering rage has now risen to such a level that many conservative opinion shapers are spending their waking hours coping with a festering Zapruder-like obsession over video frames of the Corey Lewandowski-Michelle Fields confrontation while obsessing over the GOP frontrunner’s latest embarrassing gaffe.

Even as the Manhattan billionaire is enduring his most dreadful period of the campaign, attacks against Donald Trump have reached new heights, with commentators focusing their withering criticism on supporters, ignoring the fact that many of those same voters helped make Ronald Reagan president, Newt Gingrich Speaker of the House and Marco Rubio a United States senator.

…Suggesting that faithful Christians and life long conservatives like my brother cannot support Donald Trump while believing in Jesus is offensive enough. But denigrating millions of working class Americans let down by a quarter century of Bush-Clinton rule as drug addicts or white supremacists is even more destructive to the conservative cause.

APRIL 2, 2016 5:00 AM

Blue collar voters: Trade is killing us

Roger Hinkle, Wisconsin AFL-CIO employment training specialist

“Take it or leave it,” is how Roger Hinkle, once a Milwaukee factory worker, now an employment training specialist for the Wisconsin State AFL-CIO Labor, Education and Training Center, characterized management attitudes in an era when offshoring can be an alluring option.

“We can’t get wage increases. They took away our benefits. The overarching sense is these agreements are basically written and built for improving profitability for corporations. That’s that’s the interest that’s being served.”

The Democratic Party is also reckoning this year with a populist insurgency, driven in part by economic pain and growing anger against Washington and Wall Street. But while Senator Bernie Sanders trails Hillary Clinton in delegates, Mr. Trump’s unlikely campaign has become a seemingly unstoppable force, one that Republican lawmakers, donors and activists are only now fully confronting.

“The Republican Party is being dramatically transformed,” said Foster Friess, a Wyoming investor and philanthropist who is among the party’s most significant donors. Republicans and Democrats alike, Mr. Friess said, had neglected “the people who truly make our country work — the truck drivers, farmers, welders, hospitality workers.”

Ed McMullen, a public relations executive who worked for the conservative Heritage Foundation in the 1980s, watched the gulf widen between the Washington establishment and the working people in his home state, South Carolina.

“Thirty years later, the same people are sitting in Washington that I worked with, making a million a year, going to fancy dinner parties, and they’ve done nothing to move the ball,” said Mr. McMullen, who has joined the Trump campaign. “Therein lies the great chasm between the think tanks, the ideologues and the real world.”

Sure, U.S. senators and representatives are, technically speaking, employed. But it’s hard to argue that they’re working. By a range of measures, this Senate has accomplished the least of any Senate in decades.

The Supreme Court vacancy isn’t the only judgeship it has refused to fill. Last year, the Senate confirmed just 11 federal judges, the fewest in any year since 1960, according to the Alliance for Justice.

A recent Congressional Research Service report likewise quantified how many other nominees the Senate has confirmed this Congress. It found that, as of February, confirmations for executive branch and other positions (Federal Reserve Board governors, ambassadors, etc.) were at their lowest level since at least 1988, the earliest data available.

RICH fAt an’ stoopid

About Jerry Frey

Born 1953. Vietnam Veteran. Graduated Ohio State 1980. Have 5 published books. In the Woods Before Dawn; Grandpa's Gone; Longstreet's Assault; Pioneer of Salvation; Three Quarter Cadillac
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